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Full text of "Poland Russia and Great Britain 1941-1945"

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<c Of course, it is perfectly obvious that we have fought the war in vain :
every principle for which we started the war has been sacrificed." I believe
that what he said expresses the opinion of a growing number of the British
people. ... If the mistakes of the past are to be forgiven and undone.,
and if a happy and peaceful world is to arise—not just a short period of
peace; followed by another yet more terrible war—we dare not depart
from the principles, whatever the temptation may be and no matter whence
it comes ... if our foreign policy is to be based upon expediency and not
upon principles then it is bound to fail, and I cannot in honour express my
confidence in it. ... I hold that there is a greater loyalty than that which
we owe to any one man, Government or party—the loyalty to those funda-
mental ideals of justice, liberty and honour to uphold which we have twice
in our lifetime seen the British sword drawn.
Major Lloyd (Conservative) : I arn among those who have the honour,
of which I am proud, to put my name to this Amendment. I believe that
those of us who have signed that Amendment and have the opportunity
of speaking on it to-day, represent an enormous number of ordinary folks
in this country who are deeply disquieted at the particular references in the
Yalta Agreement to Poland. In spite of a spate of propaganda, which
I suppose has never been exceeded in our history, and in spite of our diplo-
matic correspondents and special correspondents, who seem to have been
able to get very much the same hand-out from the Public Relations Officers
of the Departments concerned, they cannot concur with that portion of the
agreement which refers to Poland. I look upon the intentions of the Yalta
Agreement as downright annexation of a large portion of Poland's territory
without the consent of her Government and, in fact, without the consent
of her people. I believe myself that it is a very definite breach of the Anglo-
Russian Treaty. ... I believe that it is a very definite moral breach of the
Anglo-Polish Treaty, and I am quite certain that we have once and for all
departed, with our eyes wide open from even the guidance of the Atlantic
Charter, which has now been whittled down to a mere meaningless symbol...
... I want to come to the question of the supersession—for it is super-
session—of the legal Government of Poland, which we have recognised
all these long years, by a prefabricated Government to be hand-picked
by three estimable gentlemen. It is in future to be recognised by all the
three Great Powers concerned, and will supersede the legitimate Government
of Poland which commands the Armed Forces of the Polish Republic.
They have done splendidly throughout the war, and I firmly believe, still
retain the overwhelming loyalty of the majority of the Polish people.
This prefabricated, Lublinised Government is to be the future Government
of Poland. I leave it at that. It is adding insult to injury not only to break
our pledges to Poland but to compel the Polish people to accept a prefabri-
cated Government of this type.
I come to the all-important question of free elections. . . . this
matter of free elections is vital. Are they to be held, as one presumes they
will be, with the Red Army in occupation ? What is far more important^
are they to be held when tie whole of every village and town in Poland is
completely under the control and in the iron grip of the secret police ?
If they are, they can never be free.
After all, who are the people who are to be classified, apparently, as
<c Anti-Nazis " and ruled out ? The Lublin Government, and those who
think with them5 appear to be willing and anxious to do their best to extirpate
them. The House may not have heard a radio appeal—if I can call it that—
put out by the Prime Minister of the Government of Lublin the other day
in which he said that it was necessary to extirpate the traitors^ bandits,